Mumbai: In the midst of unprecedented turmoil, Jay Nishaant, chairman of thinktank Nepal Democracy Foundation, says what many Nepalese are thinking: this moment was inevitable. The government, for all practical purposes, has vanished. “It was long overdue,” Nishaant says of PM K.P. Sharma Oli’s dramatic ouster. “The only question was when. Today, the time had come — and Oli finally had to go.” Where the former prime minister is now remains unclear. “Whether he has fled to Dubai or elsewhere, we do not know. What is certain is that he is neither at his house, the prime minister’s residence, nor anywhere we expected him to be.”
For Nishaant, the unrest is not a sudden implosion but the result of years of frustration. “The elections three, three-and-a-half years ago were reasonably fair and inclusive. But Nepal’s parliament has always struggled to produce absolute majorities, forcing coalition governments. Coalition politics quickly turned into politics of blackmail.” The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, despite being the largest parties, failed to form a stable government. “The key to power lay with Prachanda’s Maoists,” Nishaant explains. “Without his support, no government could survive. Oli and his party, hungry for power, forged an alliance with him. That was the start of a dangerous game. Musical chairs followed — leaders switched sides, governments collapsed and re-formed, and the same three men — Prachanda, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Oli — rotated through the prime minister’s office multiple times.”
That might have been tolerated had governance been effective. Instead, corruption became endemic. “It became visible, brazen,” Nishaant says. “They used police, prosecutors, and courts to shield their own men and punish opponents. Party workers accused of heinous crimes — corruption, smuggling, even rape — walked free. Ordinary people were left without justice.” Discontent simmered for years. The final spark was the government’s decision to shut down social media. “This was insult added to injury,” Nishaant says.
“Generation Y may have tolerated it, but Generation Z could not. They poured into the streets on Monday.” Nepal’s youth were already excluded from jobs and opportunities. Now the government had taken away their space to connect and express themselves. “That lit the fuse,” Nishaant says. What began as a protest turned deadly when security forces opened fire. “Instead of dialogue, they fired at protesters from point-blank range,” Nishaant recounts. “Within four hours, nineteen young people — most still in school uniforms — were killed. Headshots. Chest shots. The brutality shocked the nation and enraged the youth.”
By Tuesday morning, Kathmandu was in open revolt. “Generation Z flooded the streets,” Nishaant says. “They torched parliament, party offices, the Supreme Court, even parts of the prime minister’s office. They stormed and set fire to the homes of former prime ministers Oli and Deuba. Deuba and his wife Arzu were dragged out, beaten, and eventually taken away by security forces — presumably to safety.” Rajyalaxmi Chitrakar, the wife of Nepal's exprime minister Jhalanath Khanal, died on Tuesday, say media reports, after protesters, led by Gen Z, trapped her in their home and set the house on fire.
The incident took place at their home in Dallu area in the state capital Kathmandu. The state’s presence is now largely symbolic. “The army and police are visible but not intervening,” Nishaant observes. “They have appealed to protesters to protect archaeological sites, but they are not using force. At this moment, it is the people who control the streets.” The uprising has spread beyond Kathmandu into several districts. In a dramatic twist, Rashtriya Swatantra Party leader Rabi Lamichhane, jailed on forgery charges, was freed when protesters stormed the prison. “Even if this started as a youth uprising, other political forces are now in play,” Nishaant notes.
What happens next remains unclear. “There is talk that the army is consulting with Balendra Shah, the young and immensely popular mayor of Kathmandu. Shah is independent, untainted by party politics, and trusted by the youth. There is speculation that he may help form a semi-civilian interim government to steer the country forward. But this is still just talk. The situation is fluid.” Nishaant dismisses fears of external meddling. “India and China have always shaped Nepal’s politics, but this uprising looks entirely homegrown. It is led by Nepal’s youth, fuelled by frustration with decades of corruption and misrule.”
Royalist groups, however, may see an opportunity. “They have been quietly agitating for a constitutional monarchy,” Nishaant says. “They will be smiling today, seeing the political elite discredited. Whether monarchy returns is unclear, but they certainly feel vindicated.”
