Has Rahul Gandhi Found A Counter To The BJP’s Hindutva Politics?

Is Rahul Gandhi completing the arc of the ideology he has been trying to invent for a long time to create a parallel ideological architecture of Hindutva? He is the one politician whose diagnosis of the politics of Modi and the RSS is correct. I know there are many intellectuals and academics who pretend to understand Modi's politics and try to find a solution, but I dare say that none of them, except a few, have any clue about it.

Those who claim that Modi is ‘populist’ like any other right-wing politician in the West, or those who used to see a ‘messiah’ in Modi in 2013-14, are wrong. To call Modi ‘populist’ or a ‘messiah’ is a reflection of a non-understanding of Hindutva politics and its history. Modi is the most perfect product, created in the Hindutva laboratory.

He is what Hedgewar and Golwalkar might have imagined an ideal Swayam Sevak should be, born out of its morning shakha. Undoubtedly, Modi is a cult figure; he was extremely popular, but popularity does not mean he is a populist. The non-understanding of the Modi phenomenon is basically due to a lack of understanding of the energy of Hindutva.

Hindutva And Its History

Hindutva is a product of history. It is a reaction to foreigners’ rule in India. It is a legitimate effort to understand how the foreign invasion can be stopped, and no foreign power in the future should rule India again. Unless we understand this civilisational instinct of the RSS, we would not be able to understand the politics of Hindutva or the Modi phenomenon.

The problem is not in their intent or in its diagnosis but in its cure. India did not become a slave because foreigners invaded, but because we were too divided amongst ourselves, we had contempt for a large section of our own people, and we did not integrate every section of society into a civilisational whole.

It was not that Muslims, who invaded in the past, were strong; it was that we Indians were weak because we were divided, fighting amongst ourselves. We did not introduce ourselves to modern technology. Hence, it is no wonder that they succeeded and ruled over us. In this context, the RSS’s call for ‘Hindu unity’ is understandable. My disagreement with them is that in the modern context, the call should not be about ‘Hindu Unity’; it should be about ‘Bharatiya Ekta’ or ‘unity of Indians’.

The RSS’s demand for ‘Hindu Unity’ is fallacious because it excludes a large section of Indians. They are committing the same mistake made on the eve of the first millennium. ‘Unite every Indian’ in one civilisational whole should be the call. Unfortunately, that is not the case.

Since the cure is not supported by history, the RSS has based its entire ideology on contempt for minorities. Hindutva, at its core, has three fundamental elements: nationalism, religion, and organisation. Religion and nationalism in right-wing ideology are not new. What makes the RSS different from the rest of the right-wing ideology is its sense of organisation.

No ideology except communism has created such a strong and resourceful organisation across the world. The survival of the RSS for a hundred years is a miracle in itself. It was banned three times. It was accused of Gandhi’s assassination, which was never proved. But it did not disintegrate; it never split like the socialist and communist parties.

Even Congress has split many times, but neither the RSS nor its political wing, Jan Sangh, nor the BJP ever split. It is because of the organisational architecture invented by Hedgewar, firmed up by Golwalkar, and propelled by Devaras that it has its unique identity which gives it longevity. Rahul Gandhi knows that Modi cannot be countered and defeated by fleeting ideas; only a robust ideological challenge can make them defensive and defeated.

Rahul’s Ideological Strategy

Like other opposition leaders, Rahul and the Congress were confused once Modi became prime minister, but after 2019’s massive defeat and the Bharat Jodo Yatra, Rahul realised that he is faced with an ideology that has very strong organisational roots and huge resources at its disposal, and fighting Modi is not like fighting any other party or leader. To fight Modi means to fight his ideology, his biggest strength, which has become invincible due to his charisma.

Rahul reached the conclusion that unless ideology is discredited in the public eye, it will be difficult to defeat Modi. It is this understanding that forced him to raise the issue of ‘save the Constitution campaign’ during the 2024 parliamentary election. He borrowed the ‘caste census’ from Nitish Kumar during the Karnataka assembly election.

If ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ brought back the ‘secularism’ debate in Indian politics, then ‘save the Constitution campaign’ gave moral clothing to ‘constitutionalism’, and ‘caste census’ gave oxygen to the dormant ‘social justice’ plank.

The combination of ‘Secularism’, Constitutionalism’ and ‘Social Justice’ not only created an ideological framework but also addressed a very solid social base of minorities, Dalits, and the OBC. No wonder the BJP was stopped at 240 seats, 32 less than the majority mark in 2024.

Reaching Women And Youth

But the ideological arc was still not complete. If a section of Dalits and OBCs got disillusioned with Hindutva, it was still not enough to dislodge the BJP from the seat of power at the centre and in states. Modi’s success story can’t be told without acknowledging the support of women and youth, especially in North India, for him. Rahul’s attempt to connect with youths and Gen Z through paper leaks is a well-thought-out strategy.

Of course, accidentally, the CJP played a major role in this exercise and indirectly helped Rahul. Rahul’s ‘Chhatron ki Goonj’ programme is an exercise in that direction. The youth now comprise almost 30% of the population. In Pune, he tried to bring women into his ideological superstructure. He would have talked about women's empowerment in a very dry manner, but he dug up the Manusmriti, knowing full well that Hindutva draws a lot of energy from this text.

Their ideological forefathers, such as Savarkar and Golwalkar, drew considerable inspiration from the Manusmriti, which Baba Saheb Ambedkar severely criticised for the treatment meted out to Dalits and women in its text.

By raising the issue of Manusmriti, Rahul is not only attacking the Hindutva of the RSS, but he is also communicating with women and reinforcing his outreach to the Dalit community as an extension of the ‘save the Constitution campaign’. In the present context, the BJP can’t openly support Manusmriti, nor can it reject it, as a section of society still holds Manusmriti in high regard. Either way, it will damage the Hindutva politics.

Ideological Battle Ahead

The Pune meet of the student campaign is the beginning of the completion of the ideological arc that Rahul has been trying to weave. Whether he can take it to its logical conclusion remains to be seen. But it will definitely impact Modi’s politics and also the RSS ideology—Hindutva. The battle is in an interesting phase. But to imagine that Hindutva will not react ideologically would be too naïve; it will fight back and fight back robustly. Just watch out.

The writer is Co-Founder, SatyaHindi.com, and author of Hindu Rashtra. He tweets at @ashutosh83B

Published on: Monday, August 24, 2026, 09:24 PM IST