Bihar's Family Fortunes: The Unbroken Chain Of Political Dynasties

Bihar, a state long celebrated for its social movements, progressive campaigns, and political ferment, also stands as one of India’s most striking examples of dynastic politics. From the corridors of the Legislative Assembly to ministerial offices, political families dominate the landscape, influencing decisions, shaping party leadership, and often determining electoral outcomes. At the forefront of this phenomenon is the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), led by Lalu Prasad Yadav’s family, which has long relied on family networks to maintain political clout.

Family Rule Cuts Across Party Lines

While the RJD is the most prominent example of dynastic politics, other parties also exhibit substantial family representation. In the JD (U), ministers such as Vijay Kumar Chaudhary, Maheshwar Hazari, Sheela Kumari, Sumit Kumar Singh, Sunil Kumar, and Jayant Raj all continue family legacies. In the BJP, leaders like Nitin Nabin and Amrendra Pratap Singh inherit political lineages.

Beyond the major parties, notable dynasts include Samrat Choudhary, son of Samata Party founder Shakuni Choudhary; Santosh Kumar Suman, son of ex-CM Jitan Ram Manjhi; and Rajvardhan Azad, son of ex-CM Bhagwat Jha Azad. Among the 23 chief ministers Bihar has had, seven families continue their political legacy in the current Assembly, including the Yadavs, Manjhi, Mishra, and Singh families.

RJD at the Helm of Hereditary Politics

The 2020 Bihar Assembly elections offer a clear window into the state’s dynastic dynamics. RJD emerged as the single largest party with 75 seats, and remarkably, over 42% of its MLAs hailed from political families. This pattern has persisted into the current Assembly. Among the outgoing 243-member legislature, 70 MLAs, or nearly 29%, belong to political families. Within this, the RJD leads the list with 30 dynasts among its 71 legislators, representing 42.25% — almost identical to the 2020 figure.

The JD (U), led by Nitish Kumar, has 16 dynasts among 44 MLAs, accounting for roughly 36% of its strength, while the BJP has 17 dynasts among 80 legislators, about 21%. Even the Congress, a smaller player in Bihar, has four dynasts among 17 MLAs. Comparing the 2020 and 2025 assemblies, the numbers have remained largely stable, highlighting the enduring grip of family politics across parties.

Generations That Refuse to Fade

Bihar’s dynastic politics is not just about individual families; it is a multigenerational phenomenon. Of the 70 dynasts in the Assembly, 57 represent the second generation, while three belong to the third generation. For example: Sumit Kumar Singh, JD-U Minister of Science and Technology, follows a three-generation political legacy — his father and grandfather were MLAs and ministers. Sudarshan Kumar, a JD (U) MLA, also represents a third-generation lineage. Yusuf Salahuddin from the RJD continues a family tradition of political representation; his father Mehboob Ali Kaiser was an MP, and his grandfather Choudhary Salahuddin served as a minister.

Even in the Legislative Council, dynasts like Rabri Devi continue to maintain influence, demonstrating the deep entrenchment of family networks at multiple levels of Bihar politics.

Trends Unchanged: A Look at 2020 and 2025

A comparative view of dynastic representation in Bihar’s assemblies reveals remarkable consistency. In both the 2020 and 2025 Assemblies:
• RJD: 30 dynasts among 71 MLAs (42.25%)
• JD(U): 16 dynasts among 44 MLAs (36.36%)
• BJP: 17 dynasts among 80 MLAs (21.25%)
• Congress: 4 dynasts among 17 MLAs (23.53%)

This comparison underscores that, despite electoral cycles and shifting alliances, the proportion of dynasts has remained largely unchanged. RJD continues to lead, and other parties show consistent, if slightly lower, family-based representation.

Dynasties beyond Bihar: The National Mirror

The Congress Party, once the fountainhead of India’s democratic tradition, has itself become synonymous with dynastic politics. The Nehru–Gandhi family remains the pivot of power, with Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra continuing the lineage that began with Jawaharlal Nehru. Beyond Delhi, several Congress state units are led by political heirs — such as Ashok Gehlot’s son Vaibhav Gehlot in Rajasthan, Bhupesh Baghel’s family network in Chhattisgarh, and Karnataka’s Shivakumar family.

Even the BJP, which often criticizes dynasty politics, has not remained untouched. A number of BJP MPs and ministers, including Piyush Goyal, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Anurag Thakur, the Dhumal family in Himachal, as well as the late Virbhadra Singh’s family and Dharmendra Pradhan, hail from political families. In states like Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and Haryana, sons and daughters of senior BJP leaders have entered politics with party backing.

India’s Political Families: North to South

Across India, powerful families dominate both northern and southern politics. In the north, the Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the Badals in Punjab, and the Abdullahs and Muftis in Jammu & Kashmir exemplify regional dynastic strongholds. In the south, dynasties such as the Karunanidhi–Stalin family in Tamil Nadu, the Gowda family in Karnataka, and the YSR family in Andhra Pradesh continue to shape state politics. These legacies have persisted through party splits, generational transitions, and even corruption scandals — underscoring the deep emotional connection between political lineage and voter identity in India.

Democracy under the Shadow of Legacy

The dominance of dynastic politics has profound implications for Bihar’s democracy. On one hand, political families bring continuity, experience, and institutional knowledge. Leaders from established families often have the networks, resources, and organizational support needed to deliver governance and manage party affairs efficiently.

On the other hand, dynastic politics can stifle merit-based advancement. Opportunities for fresh leaders and innovators are limited when party tickets and leadership roles are often reserved for family members. It also creates a perception of entitlement, where political power is inherited rather than earned, and potentially eroding public faith in the democratic process.

The Next Test: Can Voters Break the Chain?

As Bihar heads into the 2025 Assembly elections, dynastic politics remains a central feature. Leaders like Tejashwi Yadav, representing the next generation of political leadership in the RJD, promise dynamism and reform. Yet, whether this next generation can transform the party’s dynastic character or whether other parties will challenge family dominance remains uncertain.

Voter behaviour will play a decisive role. Increasing political awareness and demands for accountability may gradually encourage parties to consider merit alongside family legacy. However, entrenched dynasties continue to enjoy organizational advantages and electoral recognition, making any rapid transformation unlikely. 

Conclusion

Bihar’s political landscape is deeply shaped by dynastic influence, with the RJD leading the trend, followed by JD(U) and BJP. Comparison between the 2020 and 2025 Assemblies shows that the proportion of dynasts has remained stable, highlighting the enduring influence of family legacies. While dynastic leaders offer experience and continuity, they also raise questions about inclusivity, meritocracy, and the health of Bihar’s democracy.

The 2025 elections may be a litmus test — not just for political parties, but for Bihar’s electorate. Will voters continue to accept family-based political dominance, or will there be space for new voices and leaders to emerge? The answer will define the future trajectory of governance and representation in one of India’s most politically significant states.

(The writer is a senior political analyst and strategic affairs columnist based in Shimla)

Published on: Thursday, October 30, 2025, 08:43 AM IST