Recently, US President Barack Obama visited India a second time. The importance of the success of this visit makes one say that Obama came, met Modi and the two conquered! Some achievements in the areas of defence and economic cooperation have not only short-range effects, but also long-term benefits for India’s status in the comity of nations. The achievements in the area of strategic partnership are an entirely abstract perception. But achievements in the area of defence and economic cooperation, interlinked as they are, are of increasing concrete gains. Similarly, from the successful implementation of agreements reached in defence and on the economic front—broadly defined—cooperation, gains are bilateral, but more beneficial to India.
Bilateral cooperation to strengthen Indian defence industries is an important area. Two nations are set to collaborate in promoting our national security by largely encouraging co-production and co-development in defence production. The defence cooperation agreement was first signed in 2005 by the then Indian Defence Minister, Pranab Mukherjee and the then US Secretary of Defence, Donald Rumsfeld. During the recent summit, it was renewed for another period of ten years. India has been the Number One importer of American weapons systems. These investments
are mostly in the private sector, unlike in the past, where the public sector was encouraged.
Under the ‘Make in India’ programme, the US has promised to transfer cutting edge technology and avionics to build aircraft carriers, electro-magnetic aircraft launch systems and several others. Former US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel had said in August last that for India everything was on the table, he had offered seven specific technologies for joint production and development; India had only to decide which systems it could absorb. The tone of the present defence secretary, Ashton Carter, at his testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee hearings on his confirmation was similar. Knowing this, the Russian President, Vladimir Putin too has pitched in with offers. India has options!
Many of the weapons systems India buys now from Israel, for instance, have their basic technology from the US. India, in addition to having American technology, has also agreed to buy certain urgent systems like solar energy, as earlier efforts to domestically develop such systems have not succeeded. Hence, US agencies like the US Exim Bank, the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, the US Trade and Development Agency have also pledged an investment
of $4 billion to help India pay for ‘US-made’ exports to India.
Economically, many American multinationals like Ford, Cisco, Boeing, Dell, eBay, Scan Disk, GE and Morgan Stanley, for instance, are ready to either increase their current investments or initiate fresh investments in India. The anticipated investment is to the tune of $41billion. What the American companies expect from Indian leadership is the removal of bottlenecks by simplifying procedures, infrastructure supportive of easy movement of goods produced for export destinations. In particular, what Ford, for instance, looks for is good connectivity to ports in Gujarat and Chennai, where they have their vehicle manufacturing units.
President Obama has reiterated what he had originally announced during his 2010 visit to India — that the US continues to support and press for India to be included as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. He has promised to help Indian membership of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation that will naturally connect the Indian ‘Act East’ policy to Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region.
The question often raised is: Why does the US extend its wholehearted support to India? Influential Americans continue to perceive India as an emerging major power. The present growth rate is estimated to be 7.4 per cent. If all goes well, this number can only further grow. If China has emerged as a major economic and military power, it is largely because of the US trade, investment
and transfer of technology it received during Bill Clinton’s time. Many American scholars were opposed to it then and are opposed to it now. India is better-placed, with a few dissenting voices. The US has now realised that it had probably erred in its policy when it was known that China had secret plans to emerge as a major power and eventually replace the US as a super power.
India however, is neither aiming to develop as a competitor to the US, as alleged by former American Ambassador, Robert Boggs, nor is she aiming to emerge as a super power, eventually replacing it, as is China’s ambition. India today, as a Democratic Republic, aims to emerge as a major power in a multipolar world. Narendra Modi has not deviated from Pandit Nehru’s clearly articulated goal of 1954, when he had said in Lok Sabha: “If you peep in the future and if nothing goes wrong—wars and the like—the obvious fourth country in the world (after US, Soviet Union and China) is India.” Our aim has been to promote a multipolar world, with the US continuing as the dominant power.
Thus, there are huge gains for India in various agreements signed on January 25-27—covering almost every aspect of human life, like education, health, smart cities, Mars missions, space research, people-to-people contacts, skill development, and a ‘Digital India’ programme, civil aviation safety, cancer research, and vaccine action programme and so on. Hence, our relations should not be clouded by Obama’s parting, patronising advice on taking care of religious minorities.
The writer is a former Professor of Politics, University of Mumbai and Hon.
Director & Convener, VPM’s Centre for International Studies
P M Kamath
