Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Muslim outreach mission (if genuine and implemented sincerely) has the seeds of a political masterstroke. His remarks in Kozhikode, Kerala, at late RSS ideologue Deen Dayal Upadhyaya’s birth centenary celebrations, that Muslims are neither a commodity in the vote market, nor an object of hatred and should be considered as “our own” is the strongest ever avowal of Muslim empowerment by a BJP leader. Notwithstanding, it remains to be seen whether his politically correct assertion will be fully endorsed by the RSS, BJP’s ideological mentor.
Quoting Sangh ideologue Deen Dayal Upadhyay, the Prime Minister said “Musalman ka na puraskar karen, na tiraskar karen, unka parishkar karen. Vote ki mandi ka maal na manen, na ghrina ki vastu, unhe apna samjhen.”
The olive branch from Kozhikode, however, is interpreted differently by the Sangh Parivar camps. While some say the word “parishkar” meant “empowerment”, others say it means “purification” (cleansing). If “purification” is a caveat, it will only offend the minority community. Regardless of the semantics, by and large, the PM managed to score some brownie points. In his first speech in Parliament, Modi had assured the House that there would be zero tolerance of communal riots in the country and that his government will effect focused development of the Muslim community. He even said that he would not mind even if somebody called it appeasement of Muslims. Though there was no largescale communal violence after 2014, the community still feels besieged due to sustained psychological and propaganda war against them and the Prime Minister’s inability to silence the Parivar motormouths.
Raising hopes, this time, soon after his Kozhikode declaration, the Centre followed it up with plans to hold “Progress Panchayats” in Muslim-dominated districts of the country. The BJP and the government apparently did not want to name them “Muslim Panchayats,” so as to mask any communal connotation and instead opted for the secular expression. The government has picked up its prominent Muslim face – Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, minister for minority affairs, to oversee the “Progress Panchayats”.
Former Congress governments had come under severe attack from the BJP for what may be called “Muslim appeasement”. And it now appears, it is BJP’s turn to “appease” them. Selection of Kozhikode as venue for BJP National Council meeting is also calculated to send across a message to the 27 pc Muslims in Kerala. Malappuram district, bordering Kozhikode, houses roughly 75 per cent of the minority community, second highest after Srinagar. BJP think thank believes that the CPM’s electoral success in Kerala was mainly due to its vigorous campaign against communalism. Fearing BJP’s revival, the Muslims resorted to tactical voting to facilitate a Left victory against a decimated Congress, to stop the saffron party.
At least electorally, the 20-odd crore minority community comprising roughly 15 per cent of country’s population cannot be wished away. Though Modi won 2014 in spite of Muslim misgivings, there is no guarantee that he can repeat the hattrick in 2019 and beyond, permanently alienating the Muslims. Even if he wins parliamentary elections, some key states continue to repel BJP’s bid to expand. Consequently, the government is still in a minority in the Rajya Sabha hampering its attempts to push controversial agenda. The BJP needs to wrest some more key states controlled by regional satraps to facilitate government majority in the Upper House.
Last year, RSS joint general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale had in an interview to the Reuters said “We would want the BJP to win all the state elections because only then can significant social, political and cultural changes take place in this country, …the 2014 election victory should be seen as the starting point of a long term mission.” The expression “cultural changes” is pregnant with meaning and could make the minority community apprehensive. Naqvi, however, claims that there is no electoral calculation behind Prime Minister’s overtures. “This (Progress Panchayats) is unlike any scheme in the past. This is not for votes…” he told media persons recently.
In several states, both the Congress and BJP are victims of “tactical voting” by the Muslims (voting for the strongest regional party to stop the BJP from wresting power). It is too early to determine if Modi’s sugar-coated message will bolster BJP’s electoral prospects in the upcoming elections in crucial Uttar Pradesh accounting for 19 pc of Muslims.
Will Modi walk the talk? Symbolism and tokenism apart, will he be able to take concrete steps to empower the Muslims and above all, can the PM rein in the rabble rousers in the Hindutva brigade? Sceptics are not impressed with his Kozhikode discourse. Dubbing the outreach programme as mere lip service, some prominent Muslims have asked why the BJP and the Centre are against the minority status for Aligarh and Jamia Millia varsities and why they oppose reservation for backward Muslims.
The lynching of Akhlaq Ahmad for allegedly storing and consuming beef by persons associated with the Parivar has left a deep scar on the Muslim psyche. Empowerment also means self-respect and religious freedom. As such it is incumbent upon the PM to crush polarising elements such as the gau rakshaks (cow vigilantes) and other self-styled fringe Hindu groups.
It was as recent as last month that in BJP-ruled Haryana, cow vigilantes were allowed to inspect biryani sold at eateries in Mewat ahead of Eid celebrations to ascertain whether or not beef was used in the preparation. The PM should put an end to periodical campaigns such as ghar wapsi or homecoming and the pseudo campaign of ultra nationalism. Irritants such as resolving the Babri Masjid demolition dispute and the Uniform Civil Code issue should be resolved through consensus. It is now high time to act, lest homilies will sound hollow.
