UK must tackle bigotry at home

UK must tackle bigotry at home

FPJ BureauUpdated: Saturday, June 01, 2019, 02:32 AM IST
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There is inevitably a degree of tension between the instincts of a secular nation and the competing religiosity of some of its citizens. In Britain, multiculturalism has brought this delicate relationship into sharper relief, particularly given the insecurities of the post-9/11 era. The fact that the number of British men fighting jihadi causes in the Middle East is now estimated to exceed the number serving in the British army dramatically exposes this chasm. Away from home, Britain may be entwined in combating the ruthlessness of the Islamic State militia that is intent on wreaking havoc in a fragile region. Yet closer home, it also needs to confront the rising tide of home-grown Islamic extremism and the causes that fuel it.

The estimated numbers of British jihadists in Iraq and Syria range from 500 to 1,500, a figure higher than any European country. Should they return, many will have gained the know-how for bomb-making and mayhem. Some might plan attacks in the country where they grew up. The spectacle of a Charlie Hebdo style attack aimed at Britain cannot be dismissed. Undoubtedly, the inclination of a cohort of British-educated youth to abandon their home environment for malevolent ideological pursuits attests to deeper issues that need examination.

The obvious challenge posed by Islamic extremism is that it seeks to promote ideas that contradict the very premise of a democratic society: freedom of speech, freedom to dissent and freedom of individual choice. There is little doubt that this radical form of Islam is inimical to notions of liberty and a rights-based discourse. The truth is that it simply cannot be appeased and needs to be challenged. The risk of allowing its vitriolic ideology to incubate in schools, universities or to proliferate in places of worship is far too great.

This was amply illustrated by last year’s ‘Trojan Horse’ scandal in Birmingham, which related to the organised efforts of an active group of hardline Islamists to radicalise schools in that city. Twenty-one schools were investigated, with five schools put under special measures afterwards. An official investigation found evidence of a ‘co-ordinated, deliberate and sustained action, carried out by a number of associated individuals, to introduce an intolerant and aggressive Islamic ethos into a few schools in Birmingham.’

In a similar vein, King’s College London’s International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation has noted: ‘Radicalisation …is not something driven by poverty or social deprivation. Ideology clearly plays a big role in motivating some men to participate in jihadist causes’.

That said, Islamic extremism is not the only impediment to a cohesive Britain. In the heightened climate of security alerts we live in, prejudice against British Muslims is on the upswing. Meanwhile, anti-social behaviour, rising inequality and other social issues abound too.

To some extent, British Muslims may therefore feel aggrieved in being singled out for specific criticism. Be that as it may, the unfortunate truth is that many British Muslims are leading secluded lives with a rhythm that is out of tune with modern Britain. Far too many live willingly in cloistered enclaves that bear little resemblance to wider society. At one level, this has provided the community with an understandable comfort zone. However, it has also reduced the incentive for an active participation in a multicultural society.

The truth about shining a light on such issues is that a culture of self-censorship and political correctness has deterred many from any objective critique of multiculturalism and radical Islam for fear of reprisal. Yet what is called for is a redoubling of the effort to express without fear or favour. That forms part of an essential and irreducible core of a democratic society.

What can be done then? First, the British Government needs to work harder in order to win the confidence of an alienated minority. Its ‘Prevent’ programme for deradicalisation needs better funding and more targeted early invention. Additionally, the government should also reflect on certain measures suggested by the Social Integration Commission in its recently published report on tackling social segregation.

Second, counter-terrorism efforts also need sharpening. That includes enhancing the ability of the intelligence agencies to track and monitor those under reasonable suspicion. This doesn’t imply that civil liberties should be disregarded, but  hardheaded realism is needed to strike a necessary balance.  It is still instructive to note that those who seek to wreak instability upon a society can be brought to justice. In an American court earlier this year, the radical preacher Abu Hamza was sentenced to life in prison for facilitating the 1998 abduction of western tourists in Yemen, providing support to Al-Qaeda and sending recruits to Afghanistan. It took a long time to extradite him from Britain and bring him to justice, but it did happen eventually. Nevertheless, public opinion demands a speedier process without procedural bottlenecks that alleged offenders are able to exploit.

Ultimately though, the broader impetus for reform needs to come from within the British Muslim community. The challenges are complex and there are no easy answers. Yet some degree of self-awareness and introspection is badly needed. The cause of freedom and a liberal democracy deserves no less.

Rishabh Bhandari is a London based lawyer and commentator.

Twitter: RBhandari234

 Rishabh Bhandari

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