The RSS-BJP dynamic, always fascinating to the political observer, has shifted in the wake of the anti-CAA protests. The RSS has publicly sought to distance itself from the BJP, stating that the party does not have a monopoly on Hindus or Hindutva.
Prima facie, it appears that the RSS is upset with the BJP's recent electoral reverses and even more so with the fact that the BJP's vitriolic campaign in Delhi was run on 'Hindutva' lines. The sangh may have felt it was necessary to clarify that Hindutva is neither a polarizing ideology nor a political instrument.
But the BJP has lost elections before, even more comprehensively. In any case, RSS number 2 'Bhaiyyaji' Joshi's assertion that the BJP was not the sole representative of the Hindu community, came a day before the Delhi results. One has to look beyond the obvious to decode the RSS message.
Most likely, the wave of anti-CAA protests prompted the sangh to underscore the BJP's ideological autonomy. A large section of the Indian media and virtually the entire global media, constantly look for RSS fingerprints in government policy. The CAA, the Ram Janambhoomi judgment, the abrogation of Article 370 and the Triple Talaq law are all laid at the RSS' door. Fondly recalling the 'moderate' Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who kept the RSS at arm's length, is de rigeur.
Joshi's statement and more recently, a similar assertion by sarsanghchalak Mohan Rao Bhagwat, are intended to allay fears of the RSS' role in decision-making. Officially, the RSS is equidistant from all parties, a veil maintained by routinely advising its cadres to support/work for the party most in consonance with 'nationalist' ideals.
Does the RSS play a role in formulating public policy? Of course it does, but not to the extent that the media imagines. Certainly, the BJP draws inspiration from the mother ship, but the RSS is not given to issuing edicts. It's more of a negotiation, a give-and-take. The government may or may not agree to a particular proposal. On Ram Janmabhoomi, it insisted on waiting for the apex court's ruling and the RSS, despite its impatience, fell in line. On CAA, sources say, it was Prime Minister Narendra Modi who succumbed, after expressing deep reservations.
Most often, the accommodation is limited to appointments and fund allocation. The RSS takes particular interest in educational institutions – the appointment of vice-chancellors, professors, NCERT members, bureaucrats in relevant departments and so forth.
Defining the relationship between the mother organisation and its political wing is tricky. Ostensibly, the RSS is an NGO and thus, has nothing to do with the BJP. On the other hand, it maintains an 'organic' link with the BJP in the same way that it does with its other frontals, through its pracharaks. Some frontals have a single pracharak; larger ones have several.
The pracharaks, several of whom currently grace the upper echelons of the party, are on deputation and can be withdrawn at any time. Technically, having left the mother ship, they are no longer pracharaks. However, they can be posted anywhere. The key pracharak in any frontal is the organising secretary, whose job it is to observe and report. Often, he winds up playing a decision-making role in the organisation as well.
Back in 1998, RSS sarsanghchalak Rajendra Singh 'Rajju Bhaiyya' had explicitly observed that “There is nothing common between the BJP and us, we only share an ideology”. For the swayamsevak, who also works for the BJP, the separation of identities is getting harder to maintain. The BJP's prolonged period of power at the centre and in the states has resulted in the 'politicisation' of the RSS, which is a matter of concern for the top brass.
The fear of engagement with politics leading to ideological dilution amongst its cadre is very real and could well have explained 'Guruji' Golwalker's reluctance to set up a political wing post-Independence. The matter was taken out of his hands by a group of young activists, who founded the Bharatiya Jan Sangh. Under his successor, the sangh parivar's mass base expanded considerably, contributing to the eventual success of the BJP.
The RSS leadership's message is thus aimed at its own cadre as well. The tendency to get demoralised when the BJP loses an election and to expect the benefits of power when it wins, is a far cry from the spirit of selfless service that the RSS valorises. In saying that the defeat of the BJP is not tantamount to a rejection of Hindutva, Bhagwat is telling swayamsevaks not to link their activities and aspirations to the party. The BJP is a special purpose vehicle designed to support the RSS, but its electoral wins or losses are not of paramount importance.
The writer is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience in working with major newspapers and magazines. She is now an independent writer and author.
