Even by the whimsical standards of India’s 24×7 TV news channels, the coverage of the Rajya Sabha elections, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, was exceptionally bizarre. Whether the Bharatiya Janata Party would manage to secure eight seats or nine in UP was, of course, a matter of some interest. But the coverage was laced with an amazing measure of micro coverage of individual MLAs who boasted about their preference and, in some cases, their decision to violate their party whips.
In ensuring that all their chosen candidates managed to win a Rajya Sabha seat, all the political parties did their utmost. The BJP had their eye on an extra seat in Jharkhand — which their favoured Independent did not win — and UP — which it won, edging out the BJP. The Congress pit its efforts on a seat in Jharkhand and West Bengal — both of which it won. And the other parties all had their assured seats that didn’t warrant any superhuman efforts.
The implication of the BJP winning the ninth seat and negating the Akhilesh Yadav-Mayawati tie-up will no doubt be debated all this weekend. The “South Korean” English-language TV channels which no doubt would have gloated had the BJP failed in its bid to woo floating MLAs and identify potential cross-voters, were sharply indignant. They called it the BJP’s quest for parliamentary dominance and tut-tutted. One pundit whose disavowal of the Modi regime is only matched by his desperation to somehow appear neutral was emphatic in his belief that the victory would rebound on the BJP. Mayawati, he concluded, would not take the setback calmly. Rather than blame the SP for failing to deliver, she would direct her ire at the BJP and strengthen the alliance that yielded handsome returns in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur by-elections. I guess his conclusion would have been the same had
the BSP won the seat — a case of heads-I-win-tails-you-lose. All of which tell you that in modern Indian journalism, events don’t shape opinions but vice versa.
But all that is beside the point. The larger question that remained unasked and unanswered is: what did all this add up to. I can understand the BJP’s desire to upstage the Congress as the single-largest party in the Rajya Sabha. However, for the past two weeks Parliament has been completely paralysed. Earlier it was the Rajya Sabha that was the more boisterous House. However, ever since the issue of the ‘special status’ for Andhra Pradesh was re-introduced in the political map by its Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, even the Lok Sabha has been disrupted daily.
Nor is the ‘special status’ the only reason for disruption. In both Houses, the MPs from Tamil Nadu belonging to both the DMK and the AIADMK trooped into the well of the House demanding the appointment of a tribunal to determine the sharing of Cauvery waters between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. On odd occasions the Trinamool Congress has added its voice to the din either demanding or protesting. The three-member Aam Aadmi Party that made its parliamentary debut only a month ago is another habitual disruption, mainly on the issue of sealing of commercial properties in Delhi. And finally, the Congress has never been wanting in the disruption in Parliament though it has often preferred other parties to take the lead in the Rajya Sabha.
This is not the first time that Parliament has been paralysed by a boisterous opposition. During the two terms of the UPA regime, the BJP developed its own expertise in disruptions. On a few occasions, these were centred on substantial issues but during some sessions disruption became an instrument of bloody-mindedness, lacking ostensible purpose. Today, the BJP often finds it difficult to answer the Congress claim that the present disruptions are a tit-for-tat exercise.
While it is possible that the last few days of the session may see some resumption of Parliament and even a debate on the no-confidence motion in the Lok Sabha, it is unlikely that we will experience a sustained return to normalcy. There is just a year or so left for the 2019 general elections. As the date for the dissolution of the Lok Sabha approaches, the temptation for the Opposition to engage in grandstanding will be irresistible. There is a perception that disruption in Parliament is the equivalent of taking to the streets to show outrage and anger. Unless this perception can be corrected and the importance of Parliament reaffirmed in the minds of the political class, India’s is condemned to experience dysfunctional democracy.
It is not merely the Opposition to realise and accept the rules that govern the conduct of politics. Parliament also seems to be given short shrift by the Government, except when it wants legislation passed. In recent days, as the role of Government diminishes, the need for a rash of legislation no longer exists. Consequently, the Government can endure prolonged disruptions as long as Money Bills are passed. The casualty is important legislation that are part of the larger good governance agenda.
The revised Motor Vehicles Bill, for example, has been passed by the Lok Sabha and undergone scrutiny in a Select Committee of the Rajya Sabha. It just needs a nod from the Rajya Sabha to become law. For two sessions this Bill is awaiting a debate and voting. It is not merely a Bill or two that is kept pending. The governance of India is a dependant on parliamentary scrutiny and sanction. When Parliament becomes dysfunctional, a part of India also loses its vitality.
Swapan Dasgupta is a senior journalist and Member of Parliament, being a presidential nominee to the Rajya Sabha.
