At the time of independence and for decades afterwards, Assam and the northeastern states were regarded as the frontier outposts of the country, with major concerns that this region had not truly integrated with the rest of the country. The northeast on its part had always felt neglected by the Centre and the states complained bitterly of step-motherly treatment by New Delhi. But things are changing and the BJP’s loud nationalist pitch, coupled with generous development funds for this long-neglected region, seems to be making a dent. Hindutva forces are at work, integrating this far-flung region of the country to mainland India. This is more so in Assam, Manipur and Tripura, where the BJP is ruling, then in the Christian hill states ( Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland) where the BJP has sewn up alliances with regional outfits.
The northeast region always saw itself apart from the rest of the country. It is but natural that this region has witnessed a spate of insurgencies. Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland were once a part of the composite state of Assam, with Shillong as the capital. Present Arunachal was designated as North Eastern Frontier Area (NEFA) and was loosely administered by the British.
The oldest insurrection against the Indian state was the Naga bid for independence, with talk of Nagaland being administered as a British Crown Colony like Hong Kong. That move began even while Gandhi, Nehru and other Congress leaders were negotiating independence with the British Raj. The Nagas, under the leadership of Z A Phizo, called for a separate country on the grounds that the tribes who lived in the Naga Hills, had little affinity to mainstream India. After the Naga’s it was the turn of the Mizo’s to attempt independence. The Mizo National Front leader Laldenga, got arms and support and training from neighbouring East Pakistan when he made a bid to break away from India.
Bangladesh was not independent and was part of Pakistan. The Mizo insurgency was brutally crushed by the Centre with the Air Force being used to bomb MNF hideouts. The insurgency could not be sustained and a peace accord was signed with the MNF. Mizoram was given statehood and Laldenga became the first democratically elected leader of the new state. Peace has prevailed ever since, unlike in neighbouring Nagaland, where after the Naga Accord, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland kept alive the movement for separation. The NSCN was led by Muivah and Isaac Swu. Though a framework peace agreement was signed by the ageing Naga leaders in 2015, it has not been made public. It remains a work in progress. The Khaplang faction of the NSCN had broken away from the peace movement and while Khaplang is dead, his followers continue to oppose the Indian state. The recent attack in Arunachal, which killed several people including a BJP member, was carried out by the followers of Khaplang.
Both Assam and Manipur also had their fair share of problems. Assam went through a period of turbulence in the late seventies and early eighties. The All Assam Students Union (AASU) began a movement against alleged foreign nationals from Bangladesh, entering the electoral rolls and a mass agitation began to detect and deport them from the state. The Assam Accord of 1985 brought the agitation to a close. But out of this mass movement, a hard line group emerged. They formed the United Liberation Front of Asom, better known as ULFA. The majority of the ULFA leaders have renounced violence and are in talks with the Indian government.
But a small section led by Paresh Baruah is resisting negotiations and are still fighting for an independent Assam. They are in a position to carry out a few strikes here and there but have lost the support of the average Assamese. That is evident everywhere in Guwahati, with the saffron flag flying high. Significantly, after much protests over the Citizenship Amendment Bill, with the AGP leading the charge, the entire move has died down. The BJP’s good showing in the Lok Sabha elections, winning 8 of the 14 seats, is proof that the Citizenship Bill made no impact on voters.
The impact of Hindutva, thanks mainly to the RSS which has been working silently in Assam and Arunachal for decades, is evident everywhere. The number of temples across the city has mushroomed. And the loud proclamation of Hindu mantras and prayers are evident at dusk.
Uzanbazar is one of the oldest localities of Guwahati, an area where the Assamese elite once lived. A short walk down any of the numerous by-lanes brings one up to the main thoroughfare and a magnificent view of the mighty Brahmaputra. At dusk, where the market place is bustling with shoppers, rickshaws and cars and vegetable vendors shouting out to passers-by, a loudspeaker is blaring out Jai Jagadish Hare.
This familiar north Indian prayer comes as a shock. In Assam, the namghars traditionally do not use loudspeakers. The aarati in the evening is announced by the clash of cymbals or drum beats. Temples and not ‘namghars’ (traditional places of worship in Assam) have come up. Most are devoted to various Hindu gods popular in northern India. It could be Ganesh, or Ram or Hanuman, and not the traditional nam kirtan popularised by Shankardeva the 15th-century reformer of Assam. Apart from the Shankardev, the Shakta cult is also popular, symbolised by the mother goddess in Kamakhya temple National integration Hindutva style is working in Assam. But what about the minority - Muslims and Christians, can they feel a part of the larger Indian nation? The BJP’s challenge will be to carry them along.
-Seema Guha
The writer is a senior journalist with expertise in foreign policy and international affairs.
