Concerns over Narendra Modi’s second term unfounded

Concerns over Narendra Modi’s second term unfounded

Swapan DasguptaUpdated: Wednesday, May 29, 2019, 03:46 AM IST
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One of the first public acts of the Narendra Modi governmentafter the BJP lost the three Assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradeshand Rajasthan was to reduce the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on a clutch ofitems. The move was quietly welcomed in all circles—including by the Congressthat said it had suggested it first—but there was also a corresponding feelingthat the move had come too late to shake off an impression that the Modigovernment was losing its momentum. If the buzz in opposition circles is anyindication, there is a feeling that the BJP may not reach the majority mark in2019. Of course, there is no corresponding agreement over what and who willreplace Modi.

Writing premature obituaries is hazardous. No historicalprecedents are ever faithfully replicated. It is entirely possible that afterfive years, the grim memories of a coalition government that struggled to takedifficult decisions due to competitive political pressures may have faded.Additionally, the horrible experience of the two United Front governments mayhave fallen out of the collective imagination. This may be a reason whyquasi-scholastic articles upholding coalitions as representative of India’sdiversity are often to be found in the media. The underlying rationale is thatthe BJP and Modi must be prevented at all cost from having another five-yearterm.

It is instructive to explore some of the reasons why asection of the elite is unduly anxious to secure a change of government. Justbefore and just after the BJP under Modi stormed to power in 2014, the fear wasthat such a government, without the restraining influence of the benign AtalBehari Vajpayee, would transform the very nature of the polity. Fears wereexpressed that majoritarian impulses would see minorities cowering in theirghettos and there would be tampering with the constitution.

Despite the strictures against beef and the handful ofexcesses by cow vigilante squads, the social fabric of India has not reallyundergone any meaningful change since 2014. Yes, there is now some measure ofofficial patronage for yoga, Sanskrit scholars don’t feel completely marginalin universities and a greater willingness of Hindus to assert their Hindunesswithout fear of inviting social condescension. Some academic institutions havealso witnessed changes that invariably come about with changes of government.But there has been, for example, no saffronisation of education in the same wayas there was a red takeover of education in West Bengal under the Left Front.The anticipated changes in history books too have not materialised. As forinstitutions, the judiciary is today more powerful than it has ever been, theconstitution is firmly intact, the Election Commission robust and theComptroller and Auditor General’s office spared of controversy. Thecontroversies over the Reserve Bank of India are real but disagreements overliquidity and interest rates don’t jeopardise the much-touted idea of India.

The Modi government has witnessed profound changes ingovernance. There has been a greater reliance on technology and a greateremphasis on delivery. Some of the schemes such as direct transfer of subsidiesto beneficiaries and the road building and power generation programmes haveyielded fantastic results and others less so. Indeed, Modi has been criticisedfor emphasising incremental shifts and managerial efficiency, rather thanpromoting systemic shifts in favour of a minimalist state. Modi has not emergedas a doctrinaire Margaret Thatcher. If he secures another term he will beremembered for complementing economic growth with social welfare. The AyushmanHealth programme will be a landmark achievement.

So what explains the quantum of visceral hate—as opposed tonormal disappointment that often creeps in with governments—against Modi? Thefirst has to do with the decision-making process. What marks the Modigovernment from its predecessors is that it cannot be pushed around. Normalpolitical resistance to specific legislation—as with the Land Acquisition Billand the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill—is a part of democracy. But what hasinvoked the ire of a small section is that the government is firewalled againstlobbying by interested groups. Delhi used to be at the centre of a lobbyingindustry dominated by fixers. That is now a sunset industry, seeking arehabilitation package in 2019.

Secondly, while demonetisation may be contested, Modi’s has,for the first time since 1947, rolled back the tide of corruption. There is aquiet acknowledgement that while lower-level corruption may still be rampant,corruption in high places involving the government has virtually come to anend. Modi’s role as a disciplinarian may be resented in quarters used topermissiveness but it has resulted in the government steering clear ofirregularities. The taunt that the chowkidar has turned a thief doesn’t carrycredibility beyond the circle of those who loath Modi for reasons other thandodgy integrity.

Finally, Modi has effected a fundamental social shift in theglobal role of India. Previously, despite occasional bouts of muscle-flexing inthe neighbourhood, the tone of Indian foreign policy was governed by theprinciple of niceness. It has been replaced by hard-nosed calculations based onthe promotion of national interests and building the foundations of a futurewhen, with greater economic advancement, India can play a global role.

Thus, we have witnessed a deepening of ties with some of thewealthier Arab states being complemented by a more uninhibited relationshipwith Israel. With Pakistan, following unsuccessful attempts to reach out,India’s policy is more muscular and encapsulated in the principle: if you causepain to us, we will answer by inflicting greater pain to you. No wonderPakistan is awaiting a regime change in India.

Maybe it is not Modi’s sole contribution, but today carryingan Indian passport is not associated with the same disabilities and suspicionsit once was. It is indicative of a larger but quiet change India has witnessed.

Swapan Dasgupta is a senior journalist and Member of Parliament, beinga presidential nominee to the Rajya Sabha.

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