Can Priyanka Gandhi resuscitate Congress?

Can Priyanka Gandhi resuscitate Congress?

FPJ BureauUpdated: Thursday, May 30, 2019, 02:24 PM IST
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Raebareli: Priyanka Gandhi Vadra meets family members of veteran Congressman Umashankar Misra, DCC president who died following prolonged illness, in Raebarel on Monday. PTI Photo (PTI7_4_2016_000276B) |

The Congress appears to have finally shed its hesitations about making full use of Priyanka Gandhi’s charisma. Till now, it was apprehensive about her appeal overshadowing Rahul Gandhi. But the recent defeats in Kerala, West Bengal and Assam on top of the earlier setbacks seem to have finally convinced the party that there is no point in holding back its supposed trump card.

The ploy may not succeed since the BJP’s position in Uttar Pradesh has been strengthened by the disarray in the BSP compounding the Samajwadi Party’s incumbency woes in the non-saffron camp. But there is little doubt that if there is one person who can give the BJP a run for its money, it is Priyanka.

FIELDING Priyanka will be an event with far-reaching consequences for both the Congress and Indian politics. If she emerges as the new star in the political firmament, it will mark a new dispensation in the Congress. It will not put an end to feudalism in the party, but the rank and file will shed their current demoralisation which has been fostered by a seemingly clueless and uninspiring leadership.

It is obviously at the urging of the Congress’s new political strategist, Prashant Kishor, that the party is considering asking Priyanka to campaign all over the state and not only in the pocket boroughs of the Nehru-Gandhis in Raebareli and Amethi. It would have been better if she was fielded as the “face” of the party with the hint that she would be the chief minister if the party won, as Kishor wanted, but that would have been too big a blow to Rahul’s prestige considering that the Congress has been hesitating for months about making him the president.

Even if there is little possibility of the Congress’ victory, no one can bet on the outcome of a direct face-off between Priyanka and Yogi Adityanath, who is said to be keen on grabbing the BJP’s chief ministerial slot. For one, any prominent role for the Yogi will make a mockery of Narendra Modi’s promise of development as the BJP’s main plank. It will be back to Hindutva as the renewed emphasis on the uniform civil code and a World Ramayana Conclave at Ayodhya indicates.For another, the secular-communal divide will be made starkly evident in a contest between Priyanka and the Yogi, who is the leader of the militant Hindu Yuva Vahini, the saffron storm-troopers associated with the gharwapsi and love jihad campaigns.

It has to be remembered that the BJP won a phenomenal 73 of the 80 parliamentary constituencies in UP in 2014 solely on the basis of Modi’s pitch for development. The entry of Yogi or any other candidate cannot but erode that base of support for Modi. It is the ideal moment, therefore, for the Congress to field someone who has long been seen as a natural successor to Indira Gandhi since Priyanka tends to remind the audience of the former prime minister.

However, her elevation carries the possibility of setting of tremors within the Congress which will not be beneficial for the party. Rahul, for instance, will not be pleased at the deflection of the focus from him to his sister. What is more, the suggestion that the siblings should address some of the rallies together may backfire if the audience visibly demonstrates its preference for Priyanka rather than for Rahul.

The fielding of Priyanka, therefore, will be an event with far-reaching consequences for both the Congress and Indian politics. If she emerges as the new star in the political firmament, it will mark a transition from the Sonia-Rahul Gandhi era to a new dispensation in the Congress. It will not put an end to feudalism in the party, but at least the rank and file will shed their current demoralisation which has been fostered by a seemingly clueless and uninspiring leadership.

The problem, however, is that the country does not know anything about what Priyanka stands for. Is she a “socialist” like her mother and brother or favours the economic reforms? Is she for reservations or a merit-based system? What are her views on the bans on books like the Satanic Verses which her father, Rajiv Gandhi, imposed in 1988 and which has now been called a mistake by P Chidambaram?

Even if she energises the Congress’s foot soldiers, she will have to tread carefully on the subject of the economy since, as Modi says, the younger generation is interested in nothing other than development – neither the Sangh Parivar’s pet plank Ram Temple nor the Congress’ 1955 resolution on the “socialistic pattern of society,” which probably now includes the call for introducing the quota system in the private sector.

Apart from the uncertainties about Priyanka’s views, she carries other baggages as well. The BJP, for instance, will undoubtedly bring up the charges faced by her husband, Robert Vadra, during the campaign. Arguably, these may not be as effective as the BJP will want since it has been seen that calumny does not always affect the popular perception.

Otherwise, Indira Gandhi’s tryst with authoritarianism between 1975 and 1977 would not

have been forgotten within three years. Nor would have Modi’s castigation as a “modern-day Nero” by the Supreme Court been ignored in Gujarat and elsewhere. In any event, as Priyanka steps out of her largely secluded environment, she will be writing a new script for her party and the country.

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