The seven-phase general election is on. More than 70 per cent of Indian voters have voted in four phases since voting began on April 11. It is the world’s biggest democratic exercise involving 900 million voters and also the world’s most expensive election. With increasing participation from voters, some call the Lok Sabha poll a ‘festival of democracy’; others call it a ‘dance of democracy’.
The word ‘festival’ ideally denotes celebrating something more than oneself. It extends to a community and is a reminder of larger ties. In the case of general election, the ties are of unity in diversity of language, caste, class, religion, region, regional identity and so on. The Constitution binds all these identities into one nation: the democratic republic of India.
India is a constitutional republic and a representative democracy in which majority rule by democratic means is tempered by minority rights protected by law. Whether one calls Indian general election a ‘festival’ or the federation of state elections, given the fact that India is a federation of states with parliamentary system governed under the Constitution, elections need to be fought without allowing hate to poison the electoral process and dividing people on religious grounds.
A festival of democracy cannot accommodate hatred because there is nothing democratic about the politics of hate. In politics you have rivals, but rivals need not be enemies. If Indian elections are to remain festive, then hate has to be eliminated.
But in reality hate is being stoked with the election campaign having taken a rancorous and religiously polarised tenor. With leading politicians, including the prime minister, seeking votes on communal lines by stoking fear among Hindus of the potential of dangers posed by India’s Muslims and Pakistan, the Election Commission has taken its own time to react and intervene.
In some cases, the EC’s silence is deafening and inaction absolutely baffling. The ongoing election campaign, with repeated invocation of hate against ‘others’, is appalling in a democracy whose Constitution guarantees secularism, equal rights and religious freedom to all its citizens.
Whether it is a sign of desperation or an extreme anxiety for power at all cost is anybody’s guess. But when a well-orchestrated campaign of suspicion and hatred against minorities, dissidents and political opponents is run on a sustained basis to project everyone, except the faithful supporters of the ruling party, as less patriotic, it indicates that not only the model code of conduct does not matter to the ruling party but its hunger for power is so extreme that the BJP cares less for the Constitution.
As a challenger, the BJP sang a different tune in 2014 and was voted to power. Now, as an incumbent, it seems to have finally shed all pretensions of a political party that represents all citizens, irrespective of caste and religion. What else explains its open bid for a second term in the name of a Hindu majority community to rule a country that is as diverse as India?
It’s not that only some of the hot-headed leaders of the BJP who have been indulging in polarising and divisive campaign but almost the entire leadership of the party, be it the finance minister, the home minister, prime minister or the party president.
The ridiculing of the opposition parties began as soon as the talks of an anti-BJP alliance began a year ago and the demonising of the minorities has been an on-going process since the BJP-led government came to power. The lynching and chain of violence against Muslims in the last few years were a fair indication of how the BJP would play the election game and rile up its majoritarian support base in the run up to the general elections.
It has all panned out as expected and quite in line with election campaigns of all right-wing politicians and parties the world over: play on the fears of majority by dehumanising a fantasised enemy. Since the prime minister is leading the campaign for the BJP, he remains the focus of much of the campaign for his party as well as for the opposition parties which are challenging his bid for re-election.
While in 2014, Modi sold a compelling story of development and corruption-free government, this time he is not seeking votes on the basis of his achievements in government for five years or compelling ideas that will lead to higher economic activity, more employment opportunities and higher income for farmers. Instead he is seeking votes in the name of religion by raising and stoking fear among Hindus of the potential dangers posed by India’s largest minority community.
There is a distinct similarity between Modi’s campaign and the election campaigns of far-right parties led by ultra nationalist in many Western countries like France, Germany, Sweden, Italy, US and UK where immigration has been a big issue: they all stoked fear of immigrants.
Playing on the theme of terrorism-Pakistan-Muslim threat, Modi’s campaign has focused on national security and glorification of Balakot airstrikes, going to the extent of asking first time voters to dedicate their votes to the brave martyrs of Pulwama and the valiant soldiers who carried out the airstrikes in Pakistan.
Blaming the Congress for the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Modi even went to the extent of debunking the Congress parry’s manifesto claiming that it speaks the same language as Pakistan. Raising the nationalist pitch and branding dissent and disagreement with his or his party’s views as a bid to
weaken the nation, Modi has played the familiar tune of blaming Congress for India’s current and past problems. Over the past five years, Modi has always been in election mode but his current campaign based more on fear and less on hope is in sharp contrast to his 2014 election campaign of aspiration and development.
In 2014, Modi swept to power on a desire for change as he made people believe that he would transform India, both socially and economically. Five years later, those lofty expectations have not been met: the economy is expanding but not creating enough jobs; unemployment has hit the roof, while farmers are struggling with debt and rising costs.
It is why his campaign is focused on nationalist pride and polarisation, rather than bread-and-butter issues. The question is whether the prime minister’s divisive campaign, as also that of his party, will deliver him a second term in office. Many believe that Modi remains favoured to win re-election. Other believe that he may win but with a smaller number of seats which would oblige him to lead a coalition. After four phases of elections, there are signs that it’s going to be a hard battle for Modi and BJP to form the next government.
The writer is an independent Mumbai-based senior journalist.
